INTELLECTUAL MIGRATION
A Sociological approach to "Brain Drain”

I. Introduction

Center of knowledge have, in all times, been poles of attraction to those who for one reason or another have strived to learn. The pole sometimes consists of the brains of a master. This was particularly so in the past. Today it should be supplemented to a large extent by research and experimentation facilities. So, taken in its basic nature, what we would like to call "intellectual migration" rather than its more common denomination of "brain drain" is a permanent phenomenon in the development of man and his society. It should not be taken as an exclusive symptom of modern world social evolution but a continuing historical process on which many of the assumptions in this paper are based. Aristotle himself was a "brain drain" for Macedonia!

If the definition "intellectual migration" is preferred to "brain drain", it is because the term "drain" reduces the phenomenon to a problem, namely that of the losing country. In fact, while the "brain" under consideration is a "drain" for one society, it is, most of the time, gain for another. The term "intellectual migration" brings the phenomenon to its real dimension seen from the angle of international society.

We should however delimit the significance of "migration" within the subject of our study. Our concern here is not simple migration. Each migrant has an occupation but is not necessarily an intellectual. The metropolis offers more opportunities and has therefore a force of attraction. The movement can be from village to the city or from one country to another. In the context of the latter we wish to consider that fraction of international migration covering the highly qualified persons.

A nurse who does not find an appropriate job in a hospital in her country goes abroad. Without any prejudice to her skillfulness and intellectual capacities, she is not classified as an intellectual in the proper sense of the term. She may migrate despite an existing need for nurses which she does not fill either due to lack of stimulating conditions, or defective organization and absence of proper canalization of offer and demand.

We are interested in our present study in the migration of those elements who, had they stayed or returned home, could have remedied this lack of organization and stimulation. In other words, by intellectuals we mean those who can provide leadership, enterprise and administrational. [1]

For the purposes of the present study the phenomenon is of interest to us only when a highly qualified person belonging to one country remains definitely in another country. We are thus not concerned with foreign students who once their studies and "specialization" finished return home. But at what moment does the training for a specialty terminate? Is a medical doctor working in a hospital or an engineer working in a factory a drain? He would definitely be of more use to his country and anywhere else if he came back not only with theoretical knowledge but with experience. This of course renders difficult the identification of the subject of study. Here again the choice of the term "migration" can help to delimit the subject. This will include in the first instance the "intention" to stay. It can be completed by the social and professional situation of the subject. The intention should of course be taken into consideration after a period of adaptation and real material possibilities to stay. In terms of Lysgaard's V-shape curve [2] the intention can be materialized at the end of the curve and not at its beginning. As we shall see later, real material possibilities of subsistence are in some cases more decisive than academic achievements.

Who are those staying abroad and why do they stay? These two basic questions are inter-related and have to be taken into consideration together. Another division is possible and perhaps more appropriate, namely, to consider the factors proper to the individual's situation and personal motivations, on the one hand, and the influencing political, social and economic conditions in home and host countries on the other hand.

Another distinction to be made is that between migrations of intellectuals between developed countries-mostly from European countries to the United States-and that from developing countries to developed countries-from Asia, Africa, the Middle East and Latin America to Europe and North America. While intellectuals of developed and developing countries migrate under certain common impulses, for those from developing countries some additional causes can be enumerated. Whenever specific conditions exist a separation is made. Otherwise the accent has been put on migration of intellectuals from developing to developed countries. Needless to say, whenever conditions described as belonging to a developing country correspond to the situation in a developed country, they should be understood as equally applying to the developed country.

II. Personal Motivations

It is not only the nuclear scientist or the biochemist that goes to a center offering well-equipped research laboratories. Even the social scientist, the international lawyer and the like migrate to the academic centers where there is stimulation and exchange of ideas; where there is a well-equipped library and where new ideas in the form of publications and articles reach them fresh out of the press. In a way, the type of intellectual who learns for the sake of learning is attracted by the magnetism of a center where, speaking in terms of physics, his brain is constantly penetrated and nourished by the abundance of waves of knowledge received by that center. Back home he will have to make a special effort to remain in contact. The contact will not be total and in most cases fades away due to social and professional involvements.

• From one to another developed country
• The intellectual from the developed country usually goes to another country after having reached a certain degree of training : when his society selects those of his speciality who will have access to the limited equipment available in the country and leaves the rest at a theoretical stage; or when, in countries where a selection is not made, the access to the limited equipment becomes so overcrowded and complicated as to discourage the researcher. At a higher level of specialization the intellectual from a developed country with restricted resources migrates either in order to have access to more sophisticated equipment, or because his country does not offer him professional satisfaction and interesting opportunities.
• It must be pointed out that this movement should be understood as flow from European countries to the United States in so far as applied sciences and technology are concerned. In the fields of Humanities and Fine Arts the movement is both ways, if not more from developed countries outside Europe such as Australia, New Zealand, Canada and even the United States to Europe.
• From developing to developed countries
• The pattern is different for scholars going from developing countries to developed countries. They usually have less training than their homologues from developed countries. Those who get involved in learning for the sake of learning often go beyond the practical neccssities of their home country. In some cases their high level scholarly achievements become disproportionate to the receptivity, of their intellectual environment back home.
• Working in a developed country involves a certain degree of challenge for the intellectual from the developing country and success brings him pride. To put it differently, he will be satisfied with his self-image. The scholar shows to himself and to his relations back home that he has affirmed his personality and knowledge in a developed country.

• From one developed country to another
• Except for the ideological East and West within the developed countries, between which student exchanges are still insignificant, the developed countries which exchange students belong, apart from Japan, to the general pattern of western civilization. This broad cultural identity provides a good basis of understanding for the scholar from one developed country in another. His critical approach of liking and disliking normally oscillates within the narrower angle of familiarity.
  In other words, while he may be more critical than the scholar from the developing country, because he can more easily perceive the subtle differcnces, he is less inclined to receive total emotional impact and his adaptation involves a greater amount of objective reasoning.
• From developing to developed countries
• During their training in the developed countries scholars from the developing countries undergo a greater cultural impact which results in stronger attraction or repulsion of the encountered values. Traditional cultures in the developing countries are victims of the modernization process. For the scholar from the developing country some traditional concepts may have already lost their value and he may be in search of new premises. But in the process of "acculturation" he does not necessarily discard one traditional value to replace it with a corresponding western value. For example, he seldom renounces his religion in favour of a western one, not because he is fanatically religious but precisely because he is not. What really happens is a reshuffling in the hierarchy of values, with the introduction of some new oncs and the discard of some old ones. As learning progresses and the scholar gets more and more involved in his field of speciality, professional similarities and circles become important and integral factors of his life and eventually occupy a more prominent place in his scale of values than his kinship and national loyalties.
• Some intellectuals from developing countries already feel a certain degree of alienation towards their national culture before leaving their own country. This may be the result of the type of education received back home such as attendance at foreign community or missionary schools. The fact that they have been sent to such schools may in itself reveal other factors like the influence of a foreign mother already alien to the national culture and praising the western civilization.

In the absence of statistical data it is difficult to ascertain whether those who stay abroad belong to a given group or class. One may assume that scholars belong to different groups and classes which, while sharing common factors, may also each have a reason particular to their background. Surely an orthodox Moslem who strictly follows the precepts of his religion will find it more difficult to adapt to Western society than a person who has already embraced Western modernism before coming to the West or belongs to a Christian minority. Members of minority groups persecuted under a given regime have obviously well-founded reasons to remain abroad after their studies.

As for the classes, the scholar from the lower class may choose to stay abroad because of the new stature he has gained in the developed country due to his intellectual ability and which he may not find back home due to lack of appropriate social contacts. The middle class has been comparatively small in developing countries and is growing. Its members may sometimes develop reflexes compared to those of a minority and find aptitudes for assimilation within the larger middle classes in the developed countries. Those from higher classes in developing countries, if they are rich, which is likely to be the case, may choose to stay abroad in order to enjoy the facilities a developed society can offer without the great discrepancy between the rich and the poor, which develops a guilt complex back home.

• In general, material well-being is not without effect on the decision of the intellectual to remain in the developed countries. Better pay, access to cultural events, efficient organization of the society, real possibilities for the use of modern instruments and appliances (such as having a car in a country with a network of good roads rather than having it as a luxury in an underdeveloped road system), are all elements which at some moment of reflection are taken into consideration by the scholar who decides to stay in the host country.
• In some cases the new comfort of the developed country becomes so attaching to the young person from the developing country that he remains in the host country by fear of not being able to return again to that comfort. In cases where this is the only motive, the person involved is more likely to belong to thc category described later under point 13.
  The fear of no return to newly discovered elements may also entail other factors such as the freedom of expression and liberal institutions referred to under G4.
• Some intellectuals from the developing countrics experience the job finding process in their country of study. In the course of their stay in that country it becomes a reality of life, particularly if the job corresponds to their field of study. It becomes a known element as compared to the situation at home which, as time goes by, becomes remote and unknown. The security of the known situation often inclines the scholar to settle down.
  The job finding process is of course more often experienced by self supporting students than persons who are on national fellowships, governmental or other, or who are financed by family and private resources back home. Thc latter often maintain their home country as the source of material security. They get less involved in the social structure of the country of study and remain foreign students in the proper sense of the term.

• The consideration of material possibilities and well-being may be accentuated by an intermarriage with a person from the developed country and the fear of non-adaptation of the spouse to the way of life in the developing country. Generally, students from developing countries come in the courting ages of twenties and early thirties to the developed countries where in most cases relations between young men and women are more liberal than in many of the developing countries and where the different northern and southern physical features provide additional attraction. The emancipated status of women in the western countries also favour intermarriage. At a certain level of adaptation and intellectual achievement the young scholar from the developing country finds more common grounds of understanding and dialogue with women of the West than those of his country, who are generally less emancipated.
• In the hierarchy of values marital kinship gradually occupies a more prominent place than the paternal. A similar process may of course be observed in marriages taking place between persons belonging to the same culture in a homogeneous society, but intermarriages between persons belonging to developed and developing countries and of different cultural background have often more dramatic effects due to the cultural uprooting factors. It involves mixed feelings and adjustments. Especially in cases where the immediate family and social environment of the scholar back home is traditional. The more he finds understanding and common grounds with his western spouse and growing children, the more he tends to place marital kinship above paternal.
• There are of course exceptional cases where the spouse is attracted by the cultural traditions of the developing country and in fact in some circumstances is the factor which encourages the scholar to return to and stay in his home country.
• Family ties back home may however, in some cases, playa strong role in the stay or return of the scholar. Cases have been observed where the love of a mother or a father has made the scholar, who has otherwise thoroughly adapted himself to the Western conditions, return home.
  Inversely, some scholars, having personified their love for their home in their mother, father or such near relatives, may lose interest in returning home if they happen to lose the person in question.

• In the process of modernization and its impact on old traditions certain western concepts and realities have been adopted and modified by the intelligentsia of the developing countries. Reflecting upon the rising nationalism in these countries it may be pointed out that the basic kinship of the people in developing countries is more restricted to ethnic groups and does not always correspond to the western NationState concept. On the other hand their universalism is more generous and belongs to philosophies or religions not confined to national frontiers.
  Thus due to their old traditional universalism they are more impregnated by ideas of internationalism than the western nationalist and if, after having adhered to the western way of life, they stay abroad, they consider themselves part of the great human lot and do not necessarily suffer from complexes of disloyalty towards their home country.
• The concept of nationalism as developed in Europe during the 19th century did not undergo the same evolution in the developing countries. The intellectual does not identify himself with his country the way a European does. The latter has a touch of chauvinism in it. For the man from the developing country chauvinism finds its justification in the traditional and cultural past. His nationalism is idealistic. He will not be satisfied as a western scholar is, to be part of his nation where as a citizen he fulfills his functions as part of the big whole to which he belongs and where he brings his contribution to his speciality. He sees his developing country as a great field of experimentation. He wants to playa role in moulding that society.
  When he sees or feels that he will not be given a chance, he stays back, or, having gone back to his country, returns to the developed country. He is prepared to do a well-defined job corresponding only to his speciality in a developed and structured society but feels frustrated in that position in his home country. In terms of Gullahorn's W-curve, he leaves his home country at the bottom of the second U. [3]
• His fall to the bottom of the second U is sometimes due to a disappointment after return, resulting from a discrepancy between the ideal solutions and methods which the scholar may have conceived during his long absence from the home country and the real situations and possibilities back home.

III. Political and social conditions in the horne and host countries

It is of course difficult to make a clear distinction between social and political factors. They are nearly always inter-related. However, some elements may be identified as belonging more to one category than the other. It is in this spirit that a classification has been attempted. As for social factors practically all of the elements referred to earlier in this paper, such as cultural impacts, professional similarities, intermarriage etc., come under this heading. But so far they were considered in the context of personal motivations. We shall now examine certain situations which are created in the home and host countries by social factors.

• The young intellectual from the developing country, whether a medical doctor or an educator, is to a very large extent politically conscious and active. He has, in most cases, a political ambition next to his speciality. Because even the organic structure of his speciality needs development.
  It is not only enough for him to work in a hospital because more hospitals are to be built, it is not only enough for him to teach in a school because more schools are to be built. He wants to be an "actor" and not a "spectator" in policy making.
• In countries where the traditional structure has been maintained, usually the older generation is in power and constitutes a barrier against the progress ofyoung intellectuals who have to accept the slow machinery of advancement in the academic and governmental institutions, and who have to go along with a society whose shape, frame and content they long to change drastically. In other words, they want to do more than what those who sent them abroad want them to do. Their liberal views both for government and teaching are not readily approved by the conservative regimes.
• They sometimes join specific pressure groups or constitute groups of their own. These groups will have different degrees of success. Some with revolutionary principles may even take over the government of their country and bring young generations into power. This, however, often provides satisfaction for only a fraction of the intelligentsia. The new ruling group soon gets used to the taste of power and excludes, depending on the importance and the concentration of its forces, nonaffiliate and opposing tendencies.
  Evolutions in the past years show that very few developing countries have successfully maintained democratic and liberal institutions. They either cling to the secular traditions and conservative regimes or, in case of upheavals, pass to the other extreme of military or rigid socialist totalitarianism. Thus a flow of intellectual migration is inevitable: liberals and revolutionaries from conservative regimes; conservatives, liberals and/or "other" revolutionaries from totalitarian regimes.
• Besides the desire for political activities and national idealism, the intellectual from the developing countries gets used to a liberalism, freedom of expression and intellectual analytic and critical approach in Western societies which he may not find at home. The intellectual hardly submits to a policy which forbids him to read Karl Marx in one country and Adam Smith in another.
  Ruling classes in some developing countries should think twice before encouraging the return of certain elements. After all Lenin, Gandhi, Chu en Lai, Ho Chi Minh, and the like polished their revolutionary and reform ideas in Western schools!

• Home and Foreign graduates
• The younger generation which has stayed and studied in the home country does not always cooperate with the young intellectual trained abroad. There is a degree of understandable jealousy on the part of the home graduate who has not had the good fortune to go abroad. He cannot admit that his foreign educated compatriot should receive a particular status and additional advantages. In such situations the scholar coming back from abroad has to face a certain degree of hostility.
  Some governments have a policy for equal treatment which discourages the foreign graduate, who has greater pretentious, to come back.
• The situation becomes a vicious circle when in his turn the national educated abroad realizes that a foreign expert with identical or even lower qualifications than his receives higher salaries and manifold advantages.
  This arises in particular from a persisting attitude in the developing countries to place more confidence in the experts and specialists belonging to the developed countries than the educated nationals of the country. An inferiority complex still exists among the older generations in the developing countries as regards the western technical know-how and organization.
• Recognition and acknowledgement
The rigid traditional and authoritarian institutions in the developing countrics lend themselves more to the social phenomenon of exploitation of the ideas and work of an intellectual by persons politically and socially better placed and more influential. Thus the highly qualified person often does not receive the credit which is due to him. This creates frustration and individualistic attitudes. Most of the time, only intellectuals with additional social drive and connections can secure acknowledgement for their work. This phenomenon can also be observed, in various degrees, at the academic level in the developed countries of Europe where a "Grand Patron" may avail himself of the fruits of his students' achievements. While intellectuals from developing countries may find relative satisfaction in the developed countries of Europe in the way of scientific acknowledgement, both intellectuals from developing countries and developed countries of Europe find greater recognition of their talents in the liberal system of United States' academic institutions.


• Measures to avoid migration
• Governments in some developing countries have adopted policies of encouragement to attract national intellectuals back home. Measures include both psychological and organic approaches. Publications are distributed among the national scholars outside the country. Their stay abroad and study progress is controlled by education offices and cultural attaches. Mechanisms are provided to place them in appropriate posts when they return home, etc. On the other hand some institutions in the developed countries help to discourage the foreign scholar to remain in the host country by, for example, obligating students on exchange programmes not to seek authorization for sojourn at the end of their studies.
• In fact, however, these measures are efficient only in the limits of the realities to which we have referred earlier. In the developing countries, where appeals are made and mechanisms set up by a group of enlightened and interested officials, their efficiency depends on the degree of control these officials have on the organisms created and the contact the foreign educated intellectual can establish with these officials through personal relations. Otherwise, the intellectual falls into a machinery which reflects the prevailing obstacles in the country such as the conservatism of the older generation, the jealousies of home graduates, political persecutions, etc. Inversely, legal and administrative measures in the developed countries in the West with liberal economies may stop the flow only if there are no real working possibilities and no need for the intellectual in the country, and to the extent that possibilities of employment exist in the home country and the scholar is willing to return. Otherwise the qualified person and the institutions and concerns that want him manage to get around the administrative barriers; or the intellectual migrates to another developed country where he can find possibilities of work and have no obligations to return home.
• In some cases renouncing the services of foreign intellectuals would amount to a self denial hard to expect by the developed country. For example, in the United Kingdom where the National Health Service has reduced the material attraction of medical studies and the profession for nationals, denying the services of foreign medical doctors, coming mostly from underdeveloped countries of the Commonwealth, would cause a shortage in the National Health Service. In gcneral, even when specific measures are taken in the developed countries in favour of repatriation of foreign intellectuals, the overall policies seldom refuse their flow into the country as is reflected, for example, in the recent United States Immigration and Nationality Act.[4]
• Finance and Sponsorship
Reference was made under D3 above to the likelihood of lesser involvement in the host country for those foreign scholars who are not self-supporting and thus depend on financial resources back home for their study abroad. In this context governmental fellowship programmes and grants sponsored by national foundations can be viewed as effective measures insuring the return of the scholar. Under these programmes the grantee usually accepts the obligation to return and serve for a given period of time after his graduation for the institution and the project in the framework of which he has received a fellowship. Although confirming statistics are not available, observations favour the assumption that the contracted moral and administrative obligations bring nearly all of the scholars under these programmes back home; even if some re-immigrate abroad afterwards. While the migration of intellectuals who are self-supporting or are financed by private sources may be considered as a normal phenomenon in accordance with the spirit of the human rights, governments and institutions are justified to be concerned about the drains from which their fellowship programmes may suffer. It is, in a way, the financing of the development of a developed country by a developing country.

IV. Evaluation

Observations recorded thus far do not bear qualitative or quantitative judgements. Each of these observations can serve as a hypothesis and appropriate instruments may be conceived for its measurement. But before doing so one needs to know the qualitative and quantitative dimensions of the phenomenon as a whole, particularly before admitting it as a problem of the developing countries.

• Turning back to the "drain" aspect of migration of intellectuals, we have to ascertain whether the fact of physical absence of a person from a place is necessarily a loss. This will need an examination of the qualifications of the intellectual and the impact of his scientific activities. Seen from a universal point of view and at the higher level of learning, it is more rational to have the genius of a scholar shared by a greater number. A discovery in a laboratory or a treatise on political science would be more fully shared if they were realized in an advanced country with better means of scientific communication and in one of the universal languages. Besides, the developing country may not be able to absorb the knowledge of the learned scholar beyond a certain degree of specialization. At this level, the intellectual may in fact be a loss if he did return to his home country, while by staying abroad and giving full drive to his scientific development he may be indirectly as useful to his country as he would have been had he returned.[5]
• It may be advanced that there are enough scientists and scholars in the developed countries for the purposes of advanced scientific work and research and that the scholar from the developing country is more urgently needed back home. While from the quantitative point of view such an assertion can be argued, it is mainly the qualitative and philosophical aspects of it which do not stand. Migration of intellectuals is a basic element in the cross fertilization of cultures. Comings and goings across frontiers for longer or shorter periods of time are surely of great benefit for international understanding. But nothing is more effective than bringing the way of life of one people to another and adapting it in a permanent manner, particularly among the highly educated people where the chances of understanding will be greater. In turn specialists and experts from developed countries can go in greater numbers to the developing countries and while exercising their profession learn more about their fellowmen, their cultures and conditions.[6] This is what more or less takes place in the normal process of offer and demand and corresponds to the real needs of development prqjects in the developing countries. Except for the counterpart trammg in bilateral and multilateral technical cooperation projects and governmental fellowship programmes, most students from developing countries are still going abroad without any prior planification as to the future use of their speciality. They are thus often victims of unemployment in their home country, while in the developed country with larger academic, economic and industrial opportunities they can more easily find a job corresponding to their qualifications. On the other hand the developing country may find it more rational to call upon foreign experts whose speciality better corresponds to the needs of specific development projects.
• It is not so much the intellectual at the high level who will be a drain but rather the student who after a mediocre study or even after having failed to obtain his degree, but having collected some practical experience, manages to remain in the developed country. He is not of course the intellectual whose scientific impact may benefit the home country from far. In the developed countries he can be replaced and in the developing country, which usually lacks the middle class practical man, he is the type needed. This kind of student stays for any of the motivations enumerated earlier, except for the highly academic ambitions of course; but if he has failed, in order to avoid humiliation back home.

From that went above the factors which make an intellectual migrate seem to be complex. Howevcr, their complexity should not magnify the phenomenon beyond its real proportions. The number of intellectuals who finally migrate should be established and compared with the total body of students abroad. It must be admitted that statistical data on the phenomenon of intellectual migration are lacking for many and mainly developing countries and in some sectors difficult to collect.

• Mention was made earlier of the "intention" of the scholar to stay ahroad. But at what moment can this intention be taken seriously into consideration? Some intellectuals in the enthusiasm of the first positive encounter with the newly found culture apply for citizenship of the host country. This expression of intention should however undergo the test of time, should be favourably received by the government of the host country, and should have material possibilities for its realization. Expressed and materialized migration is of course a solid criterion, i.e., when a foreign intellectual has received naturalization. Government migration offices can serve as reliable sources for this information. Approach to these bodies can be more easily made by international organizations like Unesco for the collection of data on a world wide basis. Care should however be taken so as to avoid irrelevant statistics slipping into the data. For example, a distinction should be made between an intellectual who migrates and an immigrant who becomes an intellectual: if a child having migrated with his parents becomes an intellectual twenty years later in the host country, in all fairness he should not be claimed as "brain drain" by his country of origin!
• The intention to stay abroad may materialize without having been expressed. An intellectual may not have asked for naturalization, but his private, social and professional conditions may plead in favour of considering him as an immigrant: a qualified foreigner with a long contract in a satisfactory job, having no binding obligations back home, with a spouse belonging to the country of residence, with children (of a certain age) having been born in that country, receiving education in that country and not being acquainted with the native language of the father, may reasonably be considered as having chosen to stay in the host country. Information on this aspect of the phenomenon can also be best made available by the governmental services in different countries concerned with the sojourn of foreign nationals. It can be supplemented by questionnaires addressed to the persons under consideration emphasizing their particular private, social and professional situations.
• The duration of stay is also an interesting criterion. But it should be combined with other factors such as those listed in the preceding paragraph. Taken alone, duration will need an examination of its variations in the light of the "degree" for which the scholar has started his studies abroad, the subject, the normal time required for its study, and the period required for training and specialization in the branch in the place where it is studied. The student who goes to a foreign country for a B.A. in natural sciences and continues the study of medical science followed by a period of specialization cannot be considered as a drain for his home country after 12 years or even IS in the case of certain host countries. On the contrary, a person having arrived with an M.A. to specialize in industrial designing in most cases can be considered as long drained after 7 years, other conditions permitting of course. The choice of duration of stay in the host country as criterion for deciding whether a scholar has migrated or not should therefore be based on a scale elaborated after determining the duration of study and specialization in different branches of learning in different countries and also thc level at which the scholar has started his studies abroad. The World Survey oj Education [7] is a useful source for establishing the scale.
• It may be suggested to compare the outflow of students with the inflow of graduates. The point to establish first is the choice of years to be compared. On the world scale the number of students going abroad is constantly increasing. According to Unesco's Study Abroad [8] the yearly increase of world total of students going abroad is more or less constant. Its yearly average coefficient between the years 1955 and 1964 was around 13.4 per cent.[9] This average is only valid on a world wide basis and does not apply to individual countries. If all students stayed abroad the same number of x years, the inflow of graduates in the year n should have been equal to the outflow of students in the year n-x in order to suggest in theory that there had been no migration of intellectuals. But as we saw in the preceding paragraph, x is a variable depending upon the field of study, the level at which the student has started his studies abroad, and the country of study. The return of students having gone out of the country in a given year stretches over many years, which, in a first glimpse at the different countries listed in the World Survey of Education, can be placed between 3 and 12 years (these figures should be confirmed after detailed analysis of the data). An average cannot be established for these figures before the number of students going out for each field has been ascertained, and their percentage worked out. This percentage value should then serve as coefficient for the number of years for each field and in each host country. Mathematically, it is possible to work out a formula which can give, in the abstract, an idea of the importance of the migration. However, it will be subject to such imponderables as the return of students before term, because they have succeeded to obtain their degrees earlier, have failed, or have not adapted themselves to the host countries' environment, etc. It further needs complicated data collecting which is not always within the administrative possibilities of many countries. And finally, it will provide only a numerical result not answering questions relating to such elements as personal motivations and political, social and economic factors.

It seems more valuable, from the social-scientific point of view, and also for the authorities concerned with intellectual migration, to direct future studies on the factors enumerated in this paper which cause this migration.

Inquiries can be initiated in the developing countries, on the basis of questionnaires which the outgoing students would fill in, to learn about their scientific interests, social situation, kinship and ethnic loyalties or cultural alienation. For the sake of example, on the last point the instrument may be elaborated by indirect questions such as the type of food, drink, or entertainment preferred. Whether the intellectual under consideration in a developing country listens to traditional or western music. Whether he prefers to go to the theatre (which in developing countries has kept its traditional content) or cinema? What kind of films he sees, etc. Over the years such questionnaires can be of invaluable interest to the research worker, not only for the study of intellectual migration but also for the study of the development of international exchanges and the evolution of intelligentsia in developing countries.

After sampling on the basis of information collected from migration offices, universities, industries and other appropriate institutions, intellectual migrants in developed countries can be approached and inquiries made about their motives by instruments containing questions on the different aspects of their private, social and professional situations referred to in this paper.

The largest part of the field is practically still untouched. The question of intellectual migration has received attention only in certain countries and for certain sectors, and marginally in the wider context of studies made on international student exchanges. Studies and documents that exist on the subject concern mostly the migration of intellectuals between the developed countries of the West which possess statistical resources and which, among themselves, cover the largest part of this international migration.[10] Another region relatively well covered is Latin America, because nearly all intellectual migration is concentrated in the United States and statistical data are available at the receiving end. In addition to further readings suggested at the end of this paper, reference can be made to a bibliography on international exchanges in Klineberg's artiele mentioned earlier.

V. Conclusions

• Intellectual migration is a phenomenon of human society which finds its justification in the shifting of centers of civilization. It is based on such personal motivations of the intellectual as his drive for scientific fulfilment, his liking and adapting of a different culture and way of life, his belonging to certain ethnic groups and social classes, his settlement and family involvement elsewhere than in his home country, or his sense of internationalism. He may be driven by political and social conditions such as the degree of liberalism and working conditions in the home and the host country.
• From the point ofview of the developing countries, the phenomenon may be considered as a problem, although reserves should be made as to its real dimensions. These countries want their intellectuals who go to study and specialize abroad to come back and help in developing the country. Real possibilities and incentives do not however always exist. Development projects are to some extent artificially accelerated, calling for artificial solutions, such as foreign loans and foreign experts. In this perspective administrative and legal measures may be and have been devised both in the home and in the host countries to bring migrating intellectuals back home. But in practice these artificial measures solve the problem in so far as prevailing conditions permit them to be effective.
  The real means is to create conditions that encourage the intellectual to come back such as scientific possibilities and challenge, liberal political and social systems, etc.
• Looked upon from the point of view of international exchanges, the phenomenon of migration of intellectuals may in some cases be considered as not only normal but highly desirable. This is particularly so when the high scientific genius of an intellectual can only have adequate reception and proper impact in a developed scientific center. The migration of intellectuals is also a positive factor for the crossfertilization of cultures.

FURTHER READINGS

ADVISORY COUNCIL ON SCIENTIFIC POLICY, The Long-Term Demandfor Scientific Manpower (contains some comments on balance of migration), HMSO, London, 1961

AWASTHI, S. P., "An Experiment in Voluntary Repatriation of High-Level Technical Manpower-The Scientists' Pool," The Economic Weekry, 18 Sept. 1965, Vol. XVII, No. 38, pp. 1447-1452, Bombay.

BERNAL, J. D., "The Brain-Drain" (The Emigration of British Scientists), Labour Monthry, No. 46, London, pages 178-183, April 1964.

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Footnotes